[The article below was first published by Waging Nonviolence on 17th November, 2012]
When Malawi’s Attorney General and Minister of
Justice Ralph Kasambara announced earlier this month that police had been
ordered not to arrest anyone suspected in “engaging in homosexuality,” it was lauded
by Human Rights Watch as “courageous” and by Amnesty International as “a
step in the right direction.” A day later, Kasambara denied
ever making the statement. As one of 36 African countries with laws banning
same-sex relationships, the announcement suspending these laws has re-opened a
debate on the subject which has been raging within Malawi for two intense years.
Since 2010 when two Malawian men — Steve Monjeza and
Tiwonge Chimbalanga — were arrested, charged and convicted for their same-sex
engagement ceremony in the city of Blantyre, the issue of homosexuality has evolved
into a national dialogue. The Malawian NGO, the Centre for the Development of
People (CEDEP), has taken the lead,
together with other NGOs, in promoting the rights of LGBTI people. Established
in 2005, CEDEP has been carrying out sensitization campaigns on the rights of
gay people and other minority groups. In collaboration with Gay and Lesbian
Memory in Action (GALA), a South African
organization, CEDEP published a collection of
stories written by the Malawian LGBTI community in 2010.
Within her first one hundred days in office, current
president Joyce Banda put the gay rights issue on the national agenda by
announcing in her first State of the Nation address, on May 18, 2012 , that the statute
criminalizing homosexuality in Malawi
law would be taken to parliament for repeal. Stunned by the sharp, immediate
rebukes her remarks attracted, the president quickly rephrased herself and said
the Malawian parliament would only enact a law that reflected the wishes of the
majority of Malawians. There are no illusions as to what would be the outcome
of a parliamentary debate on the topic, let alone a national referendum, as is
being suggested by anti-gay rights activists.
The debate in Malawi often centers on the nature
of homosexuality itself. A recent series in the Weekend Nation, a weekly newspaper, described
what life looks like for Malawian gays, and posed the question of whether
homosexuality is a “natural,” biological condition or a choice. The author of
the series, Bright Mhango, wondered why Malawian homosexuals don’t seem keen on
openly fighting for their human rights, leaving it to others to do it for them.
Kenyan legal scholar Makau Mutua argues, in a
chapter appearing in the book African
Sexualities: A Reader, that homosexuality is about a person's existential
identity, much like biological sex (gender), race, ethnicity or disability.
Mutua identifies an interesting contradiction that apparently slips through the
logic of those who use religion to argue that homosexuality is un-African.
He says the hatred against gay people in Africa today does not originate from African culture,
rather it is a product of the propagation in Africa
of foreign religions, particularly Christianity and Islam. Homosexuality
existed in Africa prior to Christianity and
Islam, but there was no homophobia, argues Mutua.
In Malawi ,
the most easily identifiable and openly gay people have been young men who go
out with Western expatriates and tourists. Some of these young men have told
Malawian researchers about making a choice to become gay because of the money
from gay expatriates and tourists. To the ordinary Malawian, therefore,
homosexuality seems like a deliberate choice one makes. This belief is
reinforced by some LGBTI rights activists who prefer to talk about “choice”
rather than “nature.”
The Weekend
Nation has recently started publishing a paid-for column, called “Sexual
Minority Forum.” It is authored by Undule Mwakusungula and Gift Trapence,
leading human rights activists. A few gay readers have submitted letters to the
columnists, some of which have been re-printed in the column. A recent letter
read: “being gay is not an imported element, habit, or anything. There have
been gay people in Malawi
for generations.”
A South African activist with the Coalition of African
Lesbians put this question into perspective at a recent nonviolence
training workshop when she argued that today's social justice struggles need to
focus on freedom, autonomy and — yes — choices. To argue that homosexuality is
only biological or natural robs gay people of their human agency and power to
choose, but to argue that homosexuality is no more than a simple choice is also
to deny the reality which many people feel.
But the entire discourse is at great risk of being
side-tracked from one addressing concepts of human rights for and the humanity
of homosexual people to one centered on the role of international agencies and
foreign interference.
Particularly damaging is the undue influence of
Western donors and activists. Their loud pronouncements have wrecked the
chances of local ownership in the debate and created the appearance of a
foreign agenda that is using the economic vulnerability of African governments
and their overdependence on aid to engage in what is being seen as cultural
imperialism. In 2010, following the conviction of Steve Monjeza and Tionge
Chimbalanga, the British government reduced
its aid to Malawi by US$30 million.
In October 2011 British Prime Minister David Cameron
threatened
more cuts in aid to governments which did not respect gay rights. In
December 2011 both US president Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton said American aid would be tied
to minority rights, and that gay rights were human
rights. As necessary and timely as these statements and actions were, in
Africa they have been seen us undue interference. If unchecked, they can
potentially trigger chain reactions that could drastically roll back the gains African
countries have made in human rights in the last two decades.
It is not hard to understand why donors and
international human rights organizations are speaking out. Since the 1994
Rwandan genocide, world leaders are wary of putting too much respect into
claims of sovereignty, when the human rights and lives of innocent citizens are
being threatened. African governments are known to be more accountable to
Western donors than to their own people, an argument that has been made against President Joyce Banda as it was made against her predecessors.
Left to the dictatorial tendencies of majoritarian rule, and in the absence of local and international attention, minorities would be on their own, at the mercy of a mob mentality dressed up as the democratic wishes of the people. Malawian grassroots nonviolence civil society groups know this, and that is why they are unrelenting even in the face of duplicitous and self-serving accusations of being Western stooges.
Left to the dictatorial tendencies of majoritarian rule, and in the absence of local and international attention, minorities would be on their own, at the mercy of a mob mentality dressed up as the democratic wishes of the people. Malawian grassroots nonviolence civil society groups know this, and that is why they are unrelenting even in the face of duplicitous and self-serving accusations of being Western stooges.
There has been enough violence against sexual
minorities, physical as well as psychological, to warrant concern across
national borders. Malawians, of all people, know how important international
solidarity can be when a government is abusing its majority power and denying
some of its citizens their fundamental rights and freedoms. Malawi ’s own
transition from one party rule to multiparty rule from the late 1980s to 1994
benefited significantly from international solidarity.
Surprisingly, claims of cultural imperialism are
arising from civil society groups and religious leaders who have previously
been counted on to stand up for human rights. Some of the activists were only
recently actively seeking the support of Western donors at the height of late
president Bingu wa Mutharika’s abuses, oblivious of any concerns over fears of
cultural imperialism. Many even argued that there was no such thing as
imperialism at all. Now that the donors are pushing for the rights of LGBTI
people, some of these activists and religious leaders have suddenly discovered
imperialism, and are up in arms against it.
Bishop Dr. Joseph Bvumbwe, Chairperson, Malawi Council of Churches. Weekend Nation, 10th November, 2012 |
For example, Dr. Joseph Bvumbwe, chairperson of the
Malawi Council of Churches, recently told the media that: “We should not treat
abnormality as normality. When there is something abnormal, we must recognize
it as such and not treat it as a normality.” Dr. Bvumbwe went on to claim,
without offering proof, that the campaign for gay rights was only happening in
Malawi and not in neighboring countries such as Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Tanzania
and Zambia. The implication being that there is an external hand at work.
Nevertheless, it has to be acknowledged that the
external interference from donor countries is a pernicious problem. Africans
are wary of the excesses that have resulted from a seemingly objective
“Responsibility to Protect” doctrine, taken advantage of by surreptitious
imperialistic agendas. That interference has made it difficult for Malawians to
carry on the debate on their own terms, in their own contexts, and subjecting
their disagreements and differences to scrutiny. Statements about tying aid to
gay rights are counterproductive as they jeopardize the struggle for more
awareness, better education and information on LGBTI issues. The bellicose
rhetoric gets in the way of the kind of civil, constructive debate that needs
to happen.
There has to be a way to distinguish between actual
cultural imperialism and a genuine solidarity for minority rights. When a
society fails to provide equal human rights and protections to all members,
particularly those considered “different,” the marginalized will need local and
international support and solidarity.
The danger of external interests taking advantage of
the situation and pushing for self-centered agendas is real. But the struggle
for African self-determination will be meaningless if we fail to distinguish
between imperialism on the one hand, and genuine international solidarity on
the other — accepting our obligations to co-exist with those who seem
different.
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